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Seventeenth Century Agriculture
When Leonard Calvert, acting on behalf of his brother Cecil, second Lord Baltimore, arrived in Maryland in 1634, Virginia had been a going concern for more than a quarter-century, and other English-speaking colonies had begun in Massachusetts, Bermuda and the Bahamas, and several Caribbean islands. Those developments made it somewhat easier to begin farming in the northern Chesapeake, where planters could rely on the Virginians for plant and animal stock and have existing markets in which to sell. Upon arriving in Maryland, Father Andrew White noted the native grapes and several types of small fruit, but also wrote that peaches grew abundantly. Since peaches were of Old World origin, Father White may have seen these fruits on Kent Island, where William Claiborne had begun raising hogs around 1628 and might have introduced peaches to feed them. It is also possible that Indians had spread peaches from Virginia. Peaches, though, required honeybees for pollination, and since honeybees were a non-native species, they must have been introduced too. Having bees in Maryland also meant that this Catholic colony did not have to send orders back to England for altar candles. Unsure how the Virginians would receive them, Calvert's colonists bought maize seed in Barbados before continuing to the Chesapeake. The chief feature of this "corn" ("corn" meant the principal cereal crop of a region; thus English "corn" was wheat) was its ease of planting-in mounds dispersed over roughly cleared land rather than hand-broadcast upon a cleared field, like wheat. A heavy hoe was the only implement necessary to grow Indian corn. What little evidence exists suggests that the Indians planted corn about three feet between mounds in all directions (i.e. one mound to 9 square feet) and the colonists followed the same practice.
Tobacco Cultivation A teaspoon of tobacco seeds was enough to plant six acres. The seeds were started in a seedbed, then the seedlings transplanted to mounds spaced like those for corn over a roughly cleared field. Both corn and tobacco required similar handling-hoeing down weeds, picking off bugs, chopping the stalk at harvest time and allowing the tobacco leaves or corn kernels to dry. The next year, the planter simply chose another spot, a few feet away, and repeated the routine. After a few seasons, however, planters would have noticed their plants were less robust than at first, and generally, that the plants produced less per field. This decline led farmers to think that the crop had depleted the soil of nutrients, leading to its "exhaustion." Farmers responded by letting "old fields" "rest" for up to twenty years. In order to keep producing tobacco, growers moved to new fields, thus using up more and more land and deserting exhausted fields. Over decades, this practice made for a forlorn-looking landscape and tagged tobacco growers with the reputation of being slovenly and unskilled farmers at best, and rapacious at worst. "Soil exhaustion" also figured in arguments over slavery and for agricultural reform. Tobacco growers in the seventeenth century, and even into the twentieth century, could not have known that diminishing returns actually resulted from microbes, tiny biological organisms, living in the soil. In a plant's immediate root environment, several formidable predators existed: principally, two genera of nematodes, or microscopic worms, and three fungal organisms. The populations of these tiny predators depended upon the amount of tobacco plant residue that accumulated. The more tobacco roots nematodes had to eat, the more their populations grew. And, every time tobacco roots were attacked by nematodes, the roots became more vulnerable to injuries from fungal organisms. After several seasons of the same crop, the soil indeed needed "to rest," but less from nutrient depletion than from the subterranean epidemics that had bloomed. In the eye of the planter, the effect was the same-the plants looked weaker and a successful crop required a new field. Yet, this fundamental misunderstanding of the soil's biochemistry (not simply chemistry) shaped Maryland's agriculture, and historians' understanding of it, for more than 300 years. All saw land as "exhausted" after a certain number of tobacco crops were grown on it. For most of the seventeenth century, tobacco held complete sway over Maryland agriculture. When prices were high, little else mattered; when prices fell, even ruinously, growers simply awaited a reversal of fortune. Rather than building fences, improving meadows, and storing up winter feed, as good livestockmen knew to do, tobacco farmers simply let their animals run in the woods to fend for themselves, or, at most, grew an orchard for their scrounging. Because nothing else earned as much money per acre as tobacco, the "sotweed" remained the mainstay of Maryland agriculture for better and worse. Until something else offered a similar opportunity for wealth, or even a living, tobacco dominated Maryland's agricultural practices and economy. —G. Terry Sharrer
Smithsonian Institution
Further Reading Carr, Lois G., Russell R. Menard, and Lorena S. Walsh. Robert Cole's World: Agriculture & Society in Early Maryland. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, for the Institute of Early American History and Culture, 1991. | |||||||||||||||
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